{"id":1984,"date":"2025-04-11T16:42:50","date_gmt":"2025-04-11T14:42:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gradjanske.vuksha.com\/jovanovic-for-hrhf-historic-protests-in-serbia-why-hundreds-of-thousands-of-people-take-to-the-streets\/"},"modified":"2026-06-30T12:18:20","modified_gmt":"2026-06-30T10:18:20","slug":"jovanovic-for-hrhf-historic-protests-in-serbia-why-hundreds-of-thousands-of-people-take-to-the-streets","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gradjanske.vuksha.com\/en\/jovanovic-for-hrhf-historic-protests-in-serbia-why-hundreds-of-thousands-of-people-take-to-the-streets\/","title":{"rendered":"Jovanovi\u0107 for HRHF: Historic protests in Serbia – why hundreds of thousands of people take to the streets"},"content":{"rendered":"
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In the past months, Serbia has witnessed some of the largest protests in its recent history – and the largest student mobilization to date. With slogans like “Corruption kills” and “Pump” – students have become the driving force of leaderless protests, while at the same time civil society is under increasing pressure. <\/em><\/p>\n\n

In an author’s text for the Human Rights House Foundation, Uro\u0161 Jovanovi\u0107 from Civic Initiatives – a member of the Belgrade House of Human Rights – sheds light on the roots of the protests and explains why dialogue with institutions is no longer seen as a solution.<\/em><\/p>\n\n

You can read the original text in its entirety, published in English on the HRHF website, HERE<\/a>, <\/a>and read parts of the text translated into Serbian below.<\/em><\/p>\n\n

Historic protests in Serbia – why hundreds of thousands of people take to the streets<\/h2>\n\n

The protest held on March 15, which made it to the front pages of the world media, was one of the largest gatherings in the history of Serbia. It was a grassroots, spontaneously organized student protest that united the wider public and exposed the deep-rooted corrupt system built by the Serbian Progressive Party during its 13 years in power. In an inspiring, creative and unprecedented way, the students successfully challenged the regime and forced it to function in crisis mode for months, mobilizing hundreds of thousands of citizens to take to the streets. <\/p>\n\n

You won’t find student leaders here. Every time students appear on television, they are new faces. In some shows, they don’t even reveal their names – they are simply “students”. This makes it much more difficult for the authorities to target and attack individuals, because there is no single leader or fixed spokesperson. <\/p>\n\n

\n

Life in Serbia often means feeling demotivated and exhausted, because the daily injustice of this system is slowly eating away at you. Nevertheless, the students managed to restore faith and hope for a better future for all of us. <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

I’ve been to many protests over the last eight or nine years, but I’ve never seen a movement that was so clearly communicated and organized. It seems that this success has become an inspiration beyond the borders of Serbia – students receive invitations to share their experiences with colleagues from North Macedonia and Turkey. <\/p>\n\n

During the March 15 protest, students had marshals on the ground and a system of signs, including those warning of attempts by the authorities to inject hooligans into the crowd to cause chaos and violence. Due to the huge number of people, the mobile internet often did not work, so the guards used the old school of communication – running to the next person to get the message as quickly as possible. <\/p>\n\n

Despite the enormous pressure and their own diversity, the students remained united and persistent in their demands, which basically concern the fight against corruption. The government is clearly in trouble. For example, one of the demands is the publication of documentation on the reconstructions in Novi Sad, where the canopy of the railway station collapsed and killed 16 people – which would completely expose the government. <\/p>\n\n

More and more protests are appearing in the country, organized by various groups of citizens and dealing with various social issues. However, they all emphasize that, in the end, they are on the streets to support four student demands. <\/p>\n\n

At the same time, the inflammatory and dangerous rhetoric of top government officials has fueled numerous verbal and physical attacks on students \u2013 many of these attacks have even been described as attempted murders. On March 15, top government officials incited violence, and hooligans under police protection were seen near the protest site. On that day, protesters were hit by an as-yet-unidentified sonic weapon, causing injuries and panic. Civil society has so far collected more than 4,000 testimonies about this attack. <\/p>\n\n

Tactics and trends of intimidation of civil society and the protest movement<\/h2>\n\n

The government systematically abuses legislation to target activists who criticize its moves and take revenge on those who take to the streets. We have already seen something similar in Georgia, and now it is clearly developing here as well. I believe that if the protests stopped suddenly, the regime would launch a full crackdown. <\/p>\n\n

Tactics include invasion of privacy, leaking of personal information, surveillance, framing of charges, false reports, prosecution and detention. The list is too long. We are working to document and link these cases to SLAPP lawsuits, as we have seen an increase in such cases since last year’s environmental protests. There is a clearly noticeable increase in the misuse of the provisions of the Criminal Code and the law on freedom of assembly. For example, spontaneous gatherings – which are protected by law – are now criminalized if someone just posts about them on social media. Activists are accused of “violent change of the constitutional order” just because they talk about regime change. <\/p>\n\n

We have also documented cases of students and activists who have been arrested on politically motivated charges. The former prime minister even filed criminal charges against the students for “misleading the public” after they were attacked by unknown men and they talked about it in public. <\/p>\n\n

We were not surprised when Amnesty International’s report on the surveillance and suppression of civil society in Serbia came out – which, of course, the government immediately rejected without any investigation. There is also the recent investigation into the use of Pegasus spyware against journalists from the Balkan Research Network (BIRN). That report sparked a wide social debate, and now everyone knows: if the police pull you over and ask you to hand over your phone, it’s almost certain that they’re going to try to install something. <\/p>\n\n

On February 25, several civil society organizations, including Civic Initiatives, experienced unannounced raids by state authorities – without a search warrant. This was not a legal proceeding, but an abuse of the criminal process, in which the police used their emergency powers, even though there was no urgency. A whole series of irregularities was recorded. <\/p>\n\n

\n

Some of my colleagues were present when the police raided. It’s not easy watching heavily armed cops walk into your office as if you’ve done something wrong – when in fact you’ve been doing everything right. <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

After the protest on March 15, our colleague, a lawyer from YUCOM – a member organization of the Belgrade House of Human Rights – was physically attacked <\/a>by a police officer on duty, while she was trying to visit her client who was arrested during the protest. <\/p>\n\n

The executive director of Civic Initiatives, Maja Stojanovi\u0107, is a continuous target<\/a> for her criticism of the government and public support for protests. She has been subjected to continuous smear campaigns, threats to her family and husband, as well as fraudulent procedures and investigations for money laundering and terrorist financing. We currently do not have any information about the proceedings that the Directorate for the Prevention of Money Laundering initiated against her and four other activists. <\/p>\n\n

Speaking of new tactics – the government can formally open a case against an activist, and then simply leave it “hanging”, leaving the person in constant fear that something will happen tomorrow.<\/p>\n\n

Many activists are aware that somewhere in the prosecutor’s office there is a folder with their name on it – ready to be opened again at any moment.<\/p>\n\n

The absence of EU support despite Serbia’s candidate status and the break in cooperation between civil society organizations and the authorities<\/h2>\n\n

The authorities in Serbia have completely lost our trust.<\/p>\n\n

It has become senseless to sit at the same table with institutions that nominally invite dialogue and conversation, and at the same time actively participate in or consciously remain silent in the face of open attacks on civil society. Civil society organizations have been reduced to mere indicators and ticked boxes in action plans and reports to the European Union. In this absurdity, part of the civil sector decided not to participate in those performative conversations anymore. But that doesn’t mean we stop working. We will continue to monitor how laws and policies are enacted and implemented, participate in public debates and consultations, and point out harmful solutions. We just don’t spend time in meetings anymore where we serve as decoration. <\/p>\n\n

At the same time, unfortunately, we did not notice any change in the messages of the European Commission. They remain very general, no different from statements that have been repeated for years. The fact that the president of Serbia is still received in official visits as if everything is in the best order is also disappointing. That is why citizens’ support for EU membership is today at a historic low. <\/p>\n\n

The Commissioner for Enlargement, Marta Kos,’s continuous calls for dialogue – despite the clear position of civil society organizations and the current circumstances – are grounds for our criticism.<\/p>\n\n

I don’t want the international community, like the EU, to force me to sit at the table with people who will attack me the very next day, as if nothing had happened.<\/p>\n\n

\n

We cannot negotiate on human rights, on corruption. What should we talk about? Should we agree to keep half the corruption? <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

As one of the Serbian students said in an interview: “Our demands are clear and there is no room for negotiation \u2014 we have clearly said that we expect the institutions to do their job. When it comes to respecting the law, there can be no negotiation or agreement.”<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n

On the other hand, support came from some members of the European Parliament, who took the opportunity to publicly and openly support the demands of the protest.<\/p>\n\n

On April 3, a group of students rode their bikes to Strasbourg in order to raise international awareness of the events in Serbia and the lack of reaction from the responsible institutions. Members of the European Parliament said they were waiting for them there. <\/p>\n\n

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In the past months, Serbia has witnessed some of the largest protests in its recent history – and the largest student mobilization to date. With slogans like “Corruption kills” and “Pump” – students have become the driving force of leaderless protests, while at the same time civil society is under increasing pressure. 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